Were Conservatives Wrong About Identity Politics?

"The problem here is not that people organise around identity. The problem is that Conservatives believed they could be the only group that refused to do so and still somehow succeed."

For decades now, “identity politics” has been one of the central targets of conservative critique. Conservatives have warned against a political approach that elevates group identity, such as race, sex, religion, or “sexual identity,” over and above individual character, shared citizenship, and equal treatment under the law.

Many of the criticisms were well founded. Identity politics can replace personal responsibility with one’s inherited status, fragment national unity into competing factions, and justify unequal treatment in the name of “fairness.” Rather than encouraging merit, civic responsibility, and unity, it can work to entrench division, incentivise grievance, and undermine the principle of equality under the law.

But there was a fatal flaw in the conservative response, and we are paying for it today. Conservatives recognised the potential danger of identity politics, but then convinced themselves that the only solution was to abandon their own identity. There can be no “identity politics” if there are no identities to favour.

At its heart, identity politics exploits that universal human instinct of tribalism. Human beings naturally organise themselves into groups, or tribes—families, societies, peoples, nations, religious communities, and cultures—and they develop loyalties to those particular groups. That instinct is not inherently good or evil. It depends entirely upon where those loyalties are directed and to what end they serve.

For years, “identity politics” has been deployed against the straight, White, Christian, and conservative populations across the Western world—favouring anyone and everyone that doesn’t fall into one or more of those “oppressor” categories. Conservatives were correct to recognise the danger of a system that increasingly defined people according to their group identity and distributed social favour accordingly. Especially when they favoured groups that largely excluded the rightful heirs.

But instead of challenging the premise that identity should determine political treatment, conservatives often accepted it and then simply disarmed themselves. They were told to combat identity politics by rejecting their own collective identity, suppressing their own group loyalties, dissolving their sense of shared heritage, and trusting that individual merit and colour-blind virtues would ultimately prevail.

Meanwhile, virtually every other group was free to organise around its own interests.

And that was the fundamental mistake.

Conservatives abandoned the language of identity while their opponents became increasingly proficient in it. Conservatives were encouraged to see themselves as isolated individuals first and foremost, and members of a people, culture, or civilisation only reluctantly, while others were, and still are, encouraged to organise collectively, articulate their collective interests, cultivate solidarity, and demand political recognition.

You see, conservatives didn’t change the rules of the game. They just gave up playing.

Their opposition to identity politics made them hostile to their own identities. Taken to its logical extreme, their approach became a profoundly anti-national and even globalist posture, without knowing it. This is because identity is unavoidable. Every community, every society distinguishes between insiders and outsiders. Every nation has a common people, a history, a culture, a territory, and a conception of who belongs. Every community, family, organisation, and institution has relationships of loyalty and obligation. Every collective is defined by who is in, and who is out.

The alternative is not a world without identity. It is a world in which meaningful identities are progressively dissolved, individuals are reduced to atomised citizens of an increasingly borderless order, and traditional loyalties are treated as divisive and disorderly.

That’s why the conservative strategy of simply condemning all forms of identity politics has been so crippling. It imposed a standard upon the conservatives that no other faction was prepared to adopt. Conservatives were expected to avoid their own in-group loyalties, refuse collective interests, and condemn any assertion of their own identity, even as competing groups mobilised on those very grounds.

While Conservatives were preoccupied with denouncing every expression of identity politics, others were organising around their identities, defining friend and enemy, building solidarity, and advancing their collective interests.

The problem here is not that people organise around identity. The problem is that Conservatives believed they could be the only group that refused to do so and still somehow succeed.

In truth, they cannot change the way others play the game. But they can refuse to remain uniquely disarmed.

That doesn’t require racial supremacy, hatred, or contempt for outsiders. These are all dishonest terms used to dissuade the “Straight, White, Christian” from engaging in the same collective thinking as everybody else. Nor does it require abandoning the principle of individual dignity or equal justice under the law. It means recognising that people have legitimate obligations to their own families, communities, nations, cultures, and children—and that a civilisation has the right to preserve the inheritance it received and pass it on to the next generation.

For Christians, that obligation must be governed by biblical principles rather than racial animus. We’re not called to despise the foreign, but neither are we commanded to despise our own neighbour, abandon our inheritance, or neglect our responsibility towards our children.

Recognising our shared identity and acting to preserve what has been entrusted to us is not inherently supremacist. Despite what our opponents say, it is not hatred or bigotry. It is responsibility and love.

Diagnosing the threat of “identity politics” simply wasn’t enough. By abandoning their own identity while others strengthened theirs, Conservatives did not abolish tribalism—they simply ensured that they would be the tribe least willing to defend itself.

So, the choice that is before us is not between identity politics and no identity politics. That choice doesn’t exist. It’ll never exist.

The choice is between recognising identity responsibly or surrendering the field to those who recognise it without restraint.

We can’t change the way others play the game.

But we can stop pretending that refusing to play is a winning strategy.